Quintus Fabius Maximus : born about 275 B.C. in Rome, died in 203 B.C. in Rome

A Roman nobleman, who, as dictator, commanded the Roman armies against Annibal, in the second Carthaginian war, and was so remarkable for his cautious proceedings in defensive warfare, that he was styled "the shield of Rome."
He died in the year 549 of Rome, and 205 years before Christ.

Such were the mildness and general simplicity of his conduct, that Fabius Maximus, when a boy, was characterized by the appellation of Ovicula, or "little "sheep." In all his diversions he is said to have been peculiarly serious and reserved; and he did not appear to attain his early knowledge without dificulty. Those, however, who were best acquainted with him, knew that the seriousness of his disposition was owing to the depth of his understanding, and that his apparent slowness of comprehension was occasioned by his considering intently, and fixing indelibly in his memory, the subjects of his study. In courage and magnanimity, he excelled all his companions; and his firmness of mind was almost unequalled. He appears to have early imbibed a desire for a military life; and he prepared himself, by violent exercise of body, for the most arduous toils. During his youth he also studied the art of public speaking; and he became one of the most eloqnent of the Roman orators.

Quintus Fabius Maximus

He subsequently attained great eminence, both as a statesman and a general. He was five times consul; and, during his first consulship, he was honoured with a triumph, for a signal victory which he obtained over the Ligurians.

Some years after this his talents were more fully called into action, during the contests which took place between the Romans and the Carthaginians. At the commencement of the second Carthaginian war, after Annibal had taken possession of Saguntum, a town near the eastern coast of Spain, the Romans, alarmed at the progress he was making, sent Fabius, as their ambassador to Carthage, to demand whether the conduct of Annibal had been authorized by that government. An evasive answer being given, Fabius gathered up his robe into a hollow form: Here (said he) we bring you peace and war; take which you please. The Carthaginians replied, that he might give them whether of the two he chose: on which, pouring out, as it were, what was in the hollow of his robe, Fabius promptly said: We give you war. In so doing, he was no doubt well aware resolution had previously been formed. Annibal, not long afterwards, invaded Italy, advanced Tuscany, and laid waste all the country through which he passed. The Romans began to be excessive alarmed for the safety even of their capital; but Fabius, in some degree, removed their fears, by stating that the enemy were not very numerous, and that they were much distressed by a want of money. He advised that the progress of the Carthaginians should merely be checked; and, that battle should not be given to an army whose vigour, with proper attention, might, like a flame wanting fuel, be, as he imagined, gradually exhausted till it expired.

This advice, however, was spurned by the consul Caius Flaminius, a man of obscure extraction, rash and headstrong, who, by the turbulence of his character, his invectives against the senate, and his praises of the plebeians, had become a distinguished favourite among the lower orders. He declared that he would never suffer the war to approach the gates of Rome; and, no sooner had he assembled his forces, than he precipitately marched towards the lake of Thrasymene, in Tuscany. Here, his precipitation was, if possible, exceeded by his imprudence; for he drew up his army in the midst of mountains which were occupied by the troops of Annibal. The consequence was a disadvantageous battle, in which himself was slain, and his whole army routed with dreadful slaughter.

The consternation of the Romans, on receiving the intelligence of this fatal defeat, was so great, that some days elapsed before they could resolve what plans of conduct to adopt. At length, they resolved to appoint Fabius Maximus to the office of dictator, as a man who had spirit, talents, and dignity equal to so high a command. He accepted the office but on condition that he should be permitted to use a horse in the field, a privilege which had been forbiddem by the ancient Roman laws; and forbidden, either because the Romans placed their greatest confidence in the infantry, and therefore chose that the commander in chief should always be posted among them; or because they would have the dictator, (whose power, in other respects, was, almost arbitrary,) appear, in this case at least, to be dependent upon the people.

Not long after his appointment, he marched, at the head of the Roman army, to watch the motions of Annibal, and, in all his proceedings, against that general, he acted upon the system of caution which he had previously recommended to the Romans. He did not intend to fight the Carthaginians, unless he was confident of a decided advantage; but he proposed, by harassing them in every possible way, to waste their vigour, and thus gradually to destroy them. For the purpose of securing his army against attack from the enemy's cavalry, he always endeavoured to encamp above them, in mountainous situations. When the enemy was stationary, he was so also: when they moved, he likewise moved; but at such a distance as not to be compelled to fight against his inclination, and yet near enough to keep them in perpetual alarm.

In the depressed state of the roman armies, at this time, such a plan was, no doubt, the most advantageous that could be adopted, and Annibal, fully sensible of this, exerted all his abilities, but in vain, to bring Fabius to a general battle. In the hope of irritating his pride, he caused a report to be circulated that he had said: If Fabius be so great a commander as he is reported, let him come forth and give me battle. The reply of the wary Roman was: If Annibal be so great a commander as he thinks himself, let him compel me to do so.

Annibal is compared, by Plutarch, to a skilful wrestler, who watches every opportunity to lay hold on his adversary. Sometimes be advanced, and alarmed him with the apprehension of an attack: sometimes he withdrew his forces, and led him from place to place, hoping to seduce him to act incautiously. But all this was in vain. Fabius, convinced of the utility of his plan, resolutely adhered to it.

The imprudence of Minucius, his general of horse gave him, however, great trouble. This man frequently harangued the army, respecting what he termed these dilatory proceedings; and inspired the soldiers with an eager desire to fight the Carthaginians. They, in return, extolled Minucius, as a man deserving of the utmost confidence, and one properly supported the dignity of the Roman character. As Fabius had usually endeavoured to encamp his men in elevated situations, Minucius tauntingly informed the soldiers, that the dictator, no doubt, did this, with the intention that they should the more easily be able to see Italy laid waste with fire and the sword. He said, that Fabius probably intended to take his army into heaven, appeared to have bade adieu to the world below; or that, perhaps, he hoped, among the clouds and fogs, to conceal himself from the attack of the enemy.

The friends of Fabius were desirous that he should terminate these aspersions, by risking a battle, but he resolutely declared, that he should be more cowardly than even Minucius had represented him to be, if he could be induced to abandon his duty from fear of calumny, or by the inconsiderate rasheness of those whom he knew to be in error.

Not long after this, however, he had an opportunity of convincing Minucius that he had no disinclination to meet his opponent in the field, when he believed he could do so with advantage to his country. Annibal had committed an important mistake, by leading his troops into a valley, the outlet of which Fabius was enabled to block up by a guard of four thousand men. Fabius posted the main body of his forces to advantage on the surrounding hills, and then, with the lightest and most active of his troops, he attacked the enemy's rear, and threw army into confusion.

Annibal had been led into his error by trusting to the information of guides, without having himself made due enquiry of the inhabitants of the country. His situation consequently became a most embarrassing one. It was nearly impossible for him to force the Romans from the heights of which they were in possession; and terror and dismay seemed to pervade his whole army. In this apparently inextricable dificulty, he had recourse to a very extraordinary stratagem. He had, in his camp, about two thousand oxen; and, to the horns of these, he ordered a quantity of torches to be fastened. In the night, he caused the torches to be lighted; and then had the oxen driven towards the narrow pass, which was guarded by the Romans. So long as the fire was moderate, and burnt only the torches, the animals moved steadily onward; and the shepherds and herdsmen, on the adjacent heights, gazed at them with wonder, imagining that what they saw was an army, marching, in regular order, with lighted torches. But when the fire began to give them pain, the oxen no longer kept any certain path, but ran furiously along, setting on fire all the thickets and woods through which they passed. The Romans, who guarded the extremity of the valley, were utterly astonished. They imagined they saw an immense number of men running up and down the sides of the hills with torches, which scattered fire in every direction. Their alarm was so great, lest they should be surrounded and attacked, that they quitted the pass, and fled to the main body of their forces in the camp. The light-armed troops of Annibal, immediately afterwards, took possession of the outlet, and the rest of his forces marched in safety through.

Before the break of day, Fabius was aware that some stratagem had been practised, for several of the oxen had entered the Roman camp. But, wholly ignorant of its nature, and apprehensive lest, in the dark, his whole army might be endangered, he was compelled to remain in his entrenchments, keeping his men under arms and on guard. At break of day, however, when he had ascertained the extent of the danger, he pursued the enemy, came up with their rear, and attacked them. Several skirmishes ensued, in the difficult passes of the mountains, and the army of Annibal was thrown into some disorder; but Fabius was unable to obtain any important advantage.

This occurrence brought upon Fabius more contempt from the Romans than before. Annibal was not unacquainted with the unfavourable opinion which they entertained of him, and determined, if possible, to increase it. Whilst he ravaged and plundered the lands and buildings of all other persons, he artfully placed a guard over those of Fabius, to preserve them from injury. The Romans estimated this act precisely in the manner that Annibal wished. They raised loud clamours against Fabius, asserting that, whilst he pretended to be acting for the advantage of his country, he was influenced by an interest for the Carthaginians, and was secretly promoting their designs.

But there was one cause of offence wholly distinct from that of his conduct in the field. Fabius had stipulated with the enemy, that the Romans should pay a considerable sum of money for the ransom of some his officers, who had been taken in the war. The senate determined not to fulfil this engagement, and severely reprimanded him for a proceeding which they declared to be equally detrimental to the honour and the interest of the state. No sooner, however, was Fabius informed of their determination, than he sent his son to Rome, with orders to sell part of his estate, and bring the produce of it immediately to the camp. The commission was executed, and he redeemed the prisoners with his own property.

Not long after this, he was sent for to Rome, for the purpose of assisting in a solemn sacrifice which was to be made; and he left his army in the command of Minucius. Now it was that his plans were shown to be the most advantageous that could have been adopted; Minucius resolved, without delay, to risk an engagement. Annibal soon afforded him an opportunity of doing this, and, in a partial contest, he obtained some apparent advantages. These increased both the arrogance of the oral and the ardour of his soldiers. An exaggerated report of the action was conveyed to Rome; and Fabius, well knowing what the consequence would be, immediately exclaimed that he dreaded nothing so much as the "success of Minucius. The Roman people, however, were excessively elated with it. They now accused Fabius both of cowardice and of treachery: they asserted that, by his dilatory mode of warfare, he had enabled Annibal to establish himself securely in the country, and it was decreed that, in future, Minucius should share the command with Fabius.

As far as it concerned himself, Fabius bore all their conduct without emotion; but he was deeply grieved for the injury that he knew his country must suffer, by a rash man being thus enabled to indulge his own indiscreet ambition for military glory. Apprehensive lest Minucius, during his absence, should take some fatal step, he left Rome in haste, and joined the army. On his arrival at the camp, he found the arrogance of this new commander almost beyond endurance. Minucius proposed to take the entire command of the army every other day. But Fabius would not assent to this. He chose rather to divide the forces, taking the command of one half of the himself, and giving that of the other half to his colleague.

As soon as Annibal had ascertained that the division under Minucius was encamped, he contrived, by a stratagem, to entice him into the field, and engage whim in a disadvantageous fight. Minucius imagined that he should be able to obtain a brilliant victory over a detached of the Carthaginian army; but, at the very moment he believed his object was accomplished, his troops were surrounded by the enemy, and thrown into confusion. The betook thenselves to flight; but in light they found no safety.

Now it was that Fabius was enabled to exhibit, with advantage, both his talents and his magnanimity. Having foreseen what would happen, he kept his division in readiness for action. From an eminence in front of his camp he watched the progress of the battle; and, when he saw the troops of his colleague surrounded and broken, and a cry had reached his ears, not like that of men standing to the charge in hope of victory, but of persons fleeing in dismay, after defeat, he commanded his standard bearers to advance. Now, my brave soldiers, (said he,) if you have any regard for Marcus Minucius, exert yourselves; he well deserves assistance, for his valour and for the love that he bears to his country. If, in his eagerness to expel the enemy, he has committed an error, this is not a time for us to resent it.

The approach of Fabius filled the enemy with dismay. He attacked those who were pursuing the Romans. Such as made resistance were slain, but the greatest part hastily retreated. Annibal, observing the disorder of the Carthaginians, and that Fabius was pushing on, through the hottest of the battle, to reach Minucius, who had sought for refuge upon a hill, terminated the skirmish by sounding a retreat and, retiring into his camp. As he withdrew his men, he exclaimed to his officers, with vexation: Did I not tell you, that this cloud would one day burst upon us frorn the mountains with all the fury of a tempest?

It is scarcely possible to imagine a stronger testimony in favour of the Roman dictator than this. Happy, indeed, must it have been for the Roman army, and happy for Minucius himself, that Fabius had retained the command of a portion of the troops. Had it been otherwise, all must have been lost. The subsequent conduct both of Fabius and Minucius, was entitled to the highest commendation. When was over, Fabius collected the spoils of such Carthaginians as were left dead on the field. He then returned to his post, and did not suffer one angry expression, respecting his colleague, to escape from his lips. Minucius assembled his soldiers, and had the candour to acknowledge to them that he had been taught, in a single day, what, during his whole preceding life, he had heen unable to learn, that he knew not how to command an army, and, consequently, that he ought to place himself under the direction of one who did. From this moment (said he) I bid adieu to the ambition of excelling a man by whom it is an honour be foiled. Your dictator shall be your sole commander; and I will be the first to set you an example of obedience and submission. He then ordered the ensigns to advance with the eagles, and the troops to follow, himself marching at their head, to the camp of Fabius. There he placed the standard; and, saluting the dictator by the appellation of Father, he thus addressed him: This day, Fabius, you have obtained two victories: one over the enemy by your talents and your valour; and the other over me, your colleague, by your prudence and humanity. By the former you have saved, by the latter you have instructed us; and Annibal's victory over us is not more disgraceful than yours, is honourable. I call you Father, because I know not a more honourable appellation; and I am more indebted to you than to my real father. To him I owe my being; but to you I owe the preservation of my life, and the lives of these brave men. After this he affectionately embraced Fabius; and the soldiers of each general were unbounded in their expressions of joy at the reconciliation.

The joy that prevailed in Rome was not less sincere. The same Fabius, who, of late, had been treated in so contemptuous a manner, was now hailed as the preserver of Rome, the brave and intrepid defender of his country. Not long after this, he resigned the dictatorship, and Geminus Servilius and Marcus Atilius were appointed consuls.

A subsequent consul, Terentius Varro, had the command of the Roman army; and his temerity and inexperience, greater than even those of Minuicius, led him to actions which proved extremely injurious to the commonwealth.

This man was the son of a butcher; and, for some time, had followed his father's trade. But, becoming rich, he sought the consulship and obtained it, by a servile compliance with all the desires of the people. In the popular assemblies, he incessantly declaimed against the war as it had been conducted by Fabius. He asserted that, hitherto, no advantages had been gained; but that, on the same day, he would come within sight of the enemy and defeat him. His vain and confident boasting obtained for him the post that he desired; and so great was his influence with the people, that he was enabled to levy a much more numerous army than the Romans had ever before raised.

His colleague was Paulus AEmilius, a man of talent and experience. Fabius entreated of this officer, to withstand, to the utmost of his power, the temerity of Varro. This he did, but to little purpose, for Varro insisted on each of them having the entire command of the army on alternate days; Scarcely any project could have been more injurious than this. When it came to Varro's turn to take the command, he posted his army opposite to that of Annibal, on the bank of a river, near the village of Cannae, and immediately made the signal for battle.

Annibal was rejoiced to see it. An engagement took place, and the Romans were totally defeated, with a loss of near fifty thousand mem.

The fate of AEmilius was most deplorable. Early in the fight he received a severe wound from a sling. Notwithstanding this, at the head of a compact band of soldiers, he opposed himself to the Carthaginian commander; and, in several places, restored the battle. When unable to manage his horse, he dismounted, and fought on foot. At length, borne off the field by the overwhelming torrent of the fight, and covered with darts, pieces of which stuck in his wounds, he sate down out; stone in anguish and despair, waiting for the enemy to approach and despatch him. His head and face were so disfigured and besmeared with blood, that many even of his servants passed by without knowing him. At last, Cornelius Lentulus, a young nobleman, perceiving who he was alighted, and implored of AEmilius to mount his horse and save himself. No entreaties, however, could prevail with him to do so. He took the young man by the hand : Tell Fabius Maximus, said he, and do you Lentulus bear witness, that Paulus AEmilius followed his directions to the last : that he did not in the least deviate from them, but that he was first overcome by Varro, and then by Annibal ! Having sent off; Lentulus with this commission, be rushed into the ranks of the enemy and was slain.

The battle of Cannae, which was fought in the year of the city 537 (216 B.C.), was one of the most disastrous events that had occurred since the foundation of Rome. It produced so important a change in the affairs of Annibal, that, although he had not, previously, possessed either town, magazine, or port, in Italy; and was without any regular supplies for the war; yet he then became master of the greatest part of the country. Annibal himself was astonished at his success. Maherbal, one of his generals, advised him to take advantage of it, and immediately to march to Rome; as, by so doing, he might render himself master of the capitol! He applauded the zeal of his friend, but did not dare to follow his advice. On which Maherbal replied: You, Annibal know how to obtain victory, but you know not how to use it!

The merits of Fabius now began to be duly appreciated, even by the Roman multitude. Those proceedings, which, hitherto, had been deemed timid and cowardly, were now considered to have been directed by councils more than human. Rome placed in him her last hope; and in her distress, surrendered the management of her affairs chiefly to him.

Without a correct knowledge of the character of Fabius, it would seem most extraordinary that he, who, in times of apparent security, had appeared deficient in confidence and resolution, should now, when all had abandoned themselves to despair, be seen walking about the city with a calm and dignified air, a firm countenance, and a mild and encouraging address, checking the lamentations of the people, and preventing them from assembling in public, to bewail their misfortunes. His enemies might have insinuated that this conduct had been occasioned by his enmity to Rome, and that he had secret wishes for the success of its foes. But this they did not dare to do. Fabius exhibited too much anxiety for the welfare of his countrymen, to have admitted of such an insinuation. He assembled the senate, and, with indefatigable zeal, encouraged and aided the magistrates in all their measures for the security of the city, and the restoration of the army. So great was the terror which had been excited, that he was obliged to place guards at all the gates of the city, to prevent multitudes of the inhabitants from quitting their dwellings and fleeing into the country. After a while, information was brought that Amibal, marching towards Rome, which every one imagined he would have done, had proceeded to another part of Italy! The Romans on this took courage. They collected a considerable force and appointed, for theirs consuls, Fabius Maximus and Marcus Claudius Marcellus.

The character of Marcellus was very different from that of Fabius. He possessed an intrepid and spirit, and the most animated valour; and was well skilled in the art of war. Notwithstanding this, he had the good sense to accord with Fabius in his plans, of following Annibal without fighting him, checking him wherever it was possible, with safety, to do so; and allowing him no repose to recruit his strength, after his fatigue. Fabius was justly called the shield, and Marcellus the sword of Rome; and the Romans, at this period, were accustomed to say, that the steadiness and caution of the one, in conjunction with the vivacity and boldness of the other, formed an admirable compound. By the motions of Marcellus, which resembled those of a torrent, the forces of Annibal were often broken and disconcerted; whilst, by those of Fabius, who moved like a silent but constant stream, they were undermined and insensibly weakened. With these two generals, as praetors, consuls or proconsuls, he had to contend during nearly the whole remainder of the war. Marcellus was, indeed, deceived in one of his stratagems and slain; but Amribal never succeeded in effectually deceiving Fabius.

In one instance, however, he had nearly done so. He caused letters to be forged, as if from the inhabitants of Metapontum, a town of Lucania, offering to deliver up the place to Fabius. The Roman general was delighted with the prospect of obtaining possession of this town, and ordered a strong party to be prepared for marching thither in the night. But, before they set out, he discovered the stratagem, and escaped the danger which otherwise would have awaited him.

Fabius, at all times, treated his soldiers with great mildness and affability; and he was little inclined; either to suspect them of treachery, or even to treat them with severity, when he had reason to suspect them. A remarkable instance of this has been recorded. He was informed that one of his soldiers, a native of Lucania, often quitted his post and went out of the camp. Fabius enquired the character of the man; and every one declared that there were few men in the army who had afforded more remarkable proofs of valour and good conduct than he.

It was by a love affair that Fabius recovered the city of Tarentum, which, during his absence, had been treacherously delivered up to Annibal. But, on this occasion, he acted with great cruelty: for, on taking possession of the place, lest it should appear to have been betrayed to him, he caused several of the inhabitants to be put to the sword: no fewer than thirty thousand of the citizens were sold for slaves, and the city itself was given up to plunder. That his operations in taking this place might be conducted with the greater certainty of success, Fabius, by a skilful stratagem, had contrived to draw Annibal a distance from it. As soon, however, as the Carthaginian had discovered the deception, he hastened back, and, being within five miles of Tarentum when it was taken; he exclaimed to his men, The Romans too have their Annihal; for we have lost Tarentum in the same manner that we gained it. On this occasion it was that Annibal first acknowledged to his friends that he had always thought it difficult to conquer Italy; but that he now saw it was impossible to do so, with the forces which he possessed.

This achievement was considered by the Romans of such much importance, that they decreed to Fabius the honour of a splendid triumph. Even his enemies were compelled to acknowledge, not only that he had gloriously maintained the field against his antagonist, but that, hitherto, he had baffled all the schemes of the great Carthaginian hero. The army of Annibal was now enervated, and nearly worn down by fatigue.

Among other honours which the Romans paid to Fabius, was the election of his son to the office of consul; and a very remarkable circumstance has been related concerning the conduct of the younger Fabius towards his father. When he had entered upon his office, and was arranging some affairs relative to the war, his father, mounted on horseback, happened to ride towards him. As soon as the consul saw him, he sent to him one of the lictors with orders that he should dismount and approach on foot. This procedure, which gave great offence to many of the persons present, afforded satisfaction to Fabius. He alighted from his horse, ran to his son, and, embracing him with affection, said: My son, I applaud both your sentiments and your conduct: you know what kind of people you have to command, and you have a just sense of the dignity of your office. This is the way which our fathers took, to advance Rome to her present height of glory; they always considered the honour and interest of their country, before those of their own families. There seems reason to suppose that Fabius had intentionally approached his son on horseback; for Livy states that, after he had dismounted, he exclaimed, I wished, my son, to try whether or not you knew that you were consul!

We now enter into an important epoch in the Roman history; commencing about the year of the city, 547 (207 B.C.), when Publius Cornelius Scipio was appointed consul. He had served with great renown in Spain, and, ridiculing the notion of wearing out the Carthaginians, by watching the motions of Annibal in Italy, he boldly resolved to transfer the seat of war into Africa; to fill the enemy's country with the Roman legions; to extend his ravages there in every direction; and to attempt the capture even of Carthage itself.

Fabius objected to this project, fearful that operations carried on at so great a distance, and by one whom he considered a rash and indiscreet young man, might involve his country in ruin. He used every means in his power to persuade the Romans not to assent to the wishes of Scipio. With the senate he was successful; but he could not so easily convince the people, who were inclined to believe that the opposition of Fabius proceeded either from envy of the success of Scipio in Spain, or from a secret fear, that, if Scipio should now achieve some signal exploit, and thus terminate the war, his own slow proceedings, through the course of so many years, might be imputed to indolence or timidity. The conduct of Fabius appears to have been occasionned by an excess of cautious. At the outset, he probably thought the danger great which attended the project of Scipio; but, in the progress of his opposition, he seems to have been influenced by a jealousy of Scipio's rising glory. He used all his endeavours to prevent the raising of money for the expedition; and sought, in every possible way, to impede the plans of Scipio. In the public assemblies he declared, that, in avoiding a personal contest with Annibal, Scipio was carrying away, into a foreign country, the remaining strength of "Italy;" and he so much alarmed the people, that Scipio was suffered to sail for Africa, with a very inferior force.

Scipio, however, had not long been in Africa, before accounts were brought to Rome of several wonderful achievements performed by him. These accounts were followed by rich spoils. A Numidian king, named Syphax, was taken prisoner. Two camps were burned, and fifty thousand of the enemy were either slain or taken prisoners.

Notwithstanding all this, Fabius was incessant in expressing dissatisfaction at the proceedings of Scipio. And, while nearly every tongue was loud in praise of this general, Fabius alone proposed that he should be deprived of his command.

So extraordinary an opposition gave great offence to the people. But Fabius was now old, nearly in his ninetieth year, and almost superannuated. Indeed, his declaration, after Annibal, in consequence of the successes of Scipio in Africa, had been obliged to quit Italy, seems to prove this. He affirmed that the commonwealth was now come to its last and worst trial; and that there was greater reason to dread the efforts of Annibal, when he should arrive in Africa and attack Scipio under the walls of Carthage, than there had ever been during his campaigns in Italy. Thus, when the pressure of war removed accross the sea, he pretended to imagine that the danger was more imminent, than when it had threatened to approach the gates of Rome.

All the predictions of Fabius failed. Scipio defeated Annibal in a pitched battle; and thus restored a firmness to the commonwealth, of which it had long been deprived. Fabius, however, did not live to hear even of this overthrow of Annibal; for, shortly after the Carthaginians had sailed from Italy, he was seized with a fatal disorder, which terminated his life, at the great age of about an hundred years, in the year of the city 549, and 205 years before the birth of Christ.

The Romans, notwithstanding all the prejudices which, during his life, had been excited against him; honoured the body of Fabius with a public funeral. The expence of this, however, was not defrayed out of the public treasury, but by the contributions of the citizens individually. They were desirous that he should be interred as the father of the people; and that those who particularly honoured his memory, might thus be enabled to render him the public homage which they believed his merits to deserve.

Few men have exhibited more remarkable examples of resolution in adversity, and of moderation in prosperity, than Fabius Maximus. It was when the Romans were in the midst of disgrace and distress, and almost despaired of being able any longer to continue a nation, that they committed the management of their affairs to him. At this time, he had, before his eyes, the frightful picture of defeat and disaster, of Roman consuls and generals slain, of fields and forests containing the dead bodies of whole armies. Notwithstanding all this, his intrepidity was unshaken. In the midst of the clamour, accusation, and reproach, which his enemies and rivals heaped upon him, he exhibited the firmest and most invincible patience. And, afterwards, with a magnanimity that cannot be exceeded, and has not often been equalled, be saved, from destruction, and protected the reputations of many of those very men who had sought his ruin. How admirably also did he sustain the character of a humane and benevolent commander, when he sold even his own property to ransom, from captivity, those companions in arms, who had fallen into the hands of their Carthaginian enemies! Fabius was, on all occasions, solicitous to inspire his troops with the truest spirit of Roman courage; but it was also his care to instruct them, that valour would avail them little without the favour of heaven: that to obtain this was their first duty; and that, after having obtained it, no enemy was to be feared. Hence he was punctual in fulfilling all those religious duties, which, at the period in which he lived, were considered requisite to appease the anger, and obtain the favour of a Supreme Being, worshipped under many different appellations.

There are, however, a few particulars in the history of Fabius, which an admirer of his character would be desirous of passing over in silence. One of these was the cruelty which he exercised towards the inhabitants of Tarentum; and another, his conduct towards Scipio. But, there are so many circumstances of his life which deserve our admiration, that these become eclipsed by his numerous excellences. In the character of Fabius Maximus, it is peculiarly deserving of remark, that it was not by any foreign expedition, not by invading the countries of peaceful nations, not by extending the power and dominions of Rome, that he gained his glorious name but by his services to his country, in that most just of all military labours, a defensive war.

Authorities-Livy, and Plutarch.